Senin, 19 Juli 2010

Strangers and Pilgrims, Travellers and Sojourners

Editor's Note: A previous reference and post on the Pilgrims provoked a flurry of emails from scholars and others quite passionate on the subject. So, again, mea culpa; more importantly, to atone for my sin of an unnecessarily flippant tone, I'm posting below author Jeremy Bangs's explanation of his recent very extensive work Strangers and Pilgrims, based on thirty years of research in the original sources, including many years researching in the original Dutch sources in Leiden.

A note along the same lines: I made reference earlier to Nick Bunker's new book as well as a review of it in
The New Republic. Jim Cullen appreciatively reviews this work, Make Haste from Babylon, over at HNN this week.
_____________________________________________

Strangers and Pilgrims
by Jeremy Bangs

Strangers and Pilgrims, Travellers and Sojourners – Leiden and the Foundations of Plymouth Plantation (Plymouth, Massachusetts: General Society of Mayflower Descendants, 2009). 894 pp. + xxxii; 134 ills. and maps. $55.

Of my eleven scholarly books and many articles, six concern the Pilgrims and Plymouth Colony. Four are document publications - the 17th-century town records of Scituate, Massachusetts (3 vols.), and Indian Deeds: Land Transactions in Plymouth Colony, 1620-1691. The Scituate records are more extensive than those of any other New England town outside Boston. They provide information that allows a reconsideration of the generalizations found in the detail studies of other towns from ca. 1970. In fact, most of those generalizations do not hold up to comparison with more extensive and explanatory documentation. Similarly, the information in the Scituate records contradicts the generalizations in David Hackett Fisher's famous work from the 1980s. The introductions to the Scituate records (totalling ca. 225 pp.) explain the implications for historiography.

I started that project merely as something to do, since I was living in Scituate at the time As the transcription progressed, I realized that the contents differed from what had become common knowledge - for example, it turns out that Scituate was the major town of Plymouth Colony after 1650, being sixty percent larger in population and economy than its nearest rival, the town of Plymouth. No one has paid attention to this in writing a history of the colony, or of New England. Scituate was an actively growing commercial center with interesting religious controversies as well, all overlooked in histories of New England. Similarly the introduction to Indian Deeds, again, ca. 225 pp, explains the significance of the documents that follow for the historiography of Indian relations with the colonists - The fifth book is a biography of Edward Winslow, third gov. of Plymouth Colony. Contradicting the assumption that Plymouth was of no wide importance beyond its own insignificant borders, this revises the history of Plymouth colony's early finances then continues with Winslow's role in the Cromwellian government. He returned to London in 1646 and rose in the committee structure of the government. Eventually he was appointed jointly by the Dutch States General and by Cromwell to be a member (acting as chairman) of an international committee whose task was to resolve commercial disputes remaining between The Netherlands and England after the first Anglo-Dutch war. His career puts Plymouth Colony in the middle of the now fashionable Atlantic history

As for Strangers and Pilgrims: Rejecting centuries of stereotyping both pro and con, Strangers and Pilgrims portrays the emergence of the Pilgrims as a coherent religious and social group whose goals and experimental choices when reacting to past and current events and circumstances made Plymouth Colony unique. Rather than providing neat, static definitions of who they were and then proceeding to conclude that their lives and their colony evaporated into insignificant myth, the book gives attention to the various shifting contexts – religious, political, social, industrial, and domestic - that called these people to responsive action. It is the culmination of thirty years' archival research in America, England, and The Netherlands.

The first chapter reviews the hopes that animated English Puritans when James I ascended the throne - hopes whose disappointment inspired Pilgrim leaders, William Brewster, Richard Clyfton, John Robinson, and John Smyth. They concluded that no true church could exist within the traditional hierarchies, parish structures, and rules retained from Roman Catholicism. Withdrawal from the Church of England led to persecution, while they and their congregations thought they saw God’s anger at England’s failure to achieve further reformation revealed in signs of divine wrath – the tsunami that devastated southwest England in January, 1607, followed by crop failure and famine throughout the country in the summer, the return of the plague in the fall, and a portentous comet towards the end of the year. Christians who had separated into a covenanted community seeking to lead a godly life felt the need to flee. Holland offered religious refuge.

Other English Separatists had found safety in Amsterdam a decade earlier, but sexual scandal among them threatened to associate the newcomers with their disrepute, a danger that increased when Rev. John Smyth re-baptized himself and some followers, calling up images of revolutionary Anabaptism with its end-time social chaos. Rev. John Robinson led the group now known as the Pilgrims to the university town of Leiden, famous for its cloth industry relying on refugee laborers. That city, however, had become the focal point of controversy that would split the Dutch Reformed Church and culminate in a military coup that put an end to the toleration for which Holland had become famous.

Familiarizing themselves with the town, the Pilgrims came into contact not only with the university and with Dutch Reformed and Mennonite churches, but also with English soldiers garrisoned throughout Leiden (such as Myles Standish) and with the thousands of French-speaking refugees who made up around 15% of the town’s population. Some people already in Leiden joined the Pilgrim church, while more new members came over from East Anglia, Kent, and London; the diversity of origins required communal attempts to build unity of purpose. This effort contrasts with any simplistic characterization of the structures of their colony in New England as representing a conscious or unconscious re-creation of regional folk customs and habits recalled from ye olde England.

Although the Pilgrims’ arrival in Leiden coincided with the beginning of the Twelve Years’ Truce in the Dutch revolt against Spanish Hapsburg domination, the peace was unstable. England was providing nearly half the soldiers in the Dutch army; King James exploited this dependence to demand ever greater influence in Dutch religious and political affairs. The Pilgrims found themselves under increasing pressure from England, whose ambassador successfully called for the suppression of the Pilgrims’ publishing project when he discovered offenses to the king’s majesty in Pilgrim calls for reform. King James demanded that Pilgrim William Brewster be arrested; an English bishop even made a clandestine visit to Leiden apparently to try to discover Brewster’s hiding place. The Pilgrims felt the pressure to seek a safer haven before Holland was once again engulfed in war

John Robinson participated in the university theological faculty's debates between double-predestination Calvinists (the Gomarists or Contra-Remonstrants) and their less rigid opponents (the Arminians or Remonstrants). The major focus of the controversy in Leiden was the appointment of Conrad Vorstius to be professor of theology. His opponents accused him of Socinianism and used that charge to convince King James I to retreat from religious toleration to a demand for Calvinist conformity in the Dutch church. Under his political pressure, Prince Maurits carried out a military coup, deposing the toleration-minded Remonstrants in government. The Synod of Dort then proceeded to condemn anyone with a broader theological view than that of the Contra-Remonstrants. The book's examination of documented political intrigue gives a new interpretation to the entire period in Holland. Although agreeing theologically with the decisions of the Synod of Dort, Robinson and the Pilgrims rejected calls to require everyone in Plymouth Colony to subscribe to the Heidelberg Catechism and the Belgic Confession, thus taking a position that had been among those for which the Remonstrants were condemned at Dort. In the Pilgrims' view, only the Bible and Apostles' Creed (which they thought had been composed by the Apostles) could be obligatory - everything else was inevitably imperfect because all things human are imperfect. Their colony became relatively tolerant because of this literalist understanding of the story of the Fall in Genesis.

With the Mayflower Compact, the Pilgrims established independent democratic government in their colony. Introducing the Dutch custom of civil marriage registration, the Pilgrims provided equitable laws for all colonists, whether or not members of the Pilgrim church. With their constitution of 1636, they conceived a representative government that gave no role to the clergy. Recognizing the Indians as equal creatures, the Pilgrims attempted to provide fair treatment for all in their courts; and they acquired land exclusively by sale or trade from the Indians who were understood to be the proper owners. Through their familiarity with the Dutch Union of Utrecht (1579), the Pilgrims helped form the United Colonies of New England (1643) on that model - a model that in turn served to inform the confederation structure of American independence in the late 18th century. Without any emphasis on presentism or triumphalism the book shows how the Pilgrims affected the societies in which they lived and were in turn affected by them.

Sabtu, 17 Juli 2010

A Letter of Protest

Comment:

I was born Swedish therefore, my skin is white. I respect the

Native American Indian way of life, the circle which binds all of us

together. The words your leaders speak are true and strong. It is

uncomfortable for me to seek your council because of my skin color. I do

not mean to be disrespectful. I live in the valley of the moon for over 20

years, but two years ago a casino was built. No problem with that, I hope

the tribe makes a lot of money. They are poor. On the other hand, they have

probably seen little money until the debt that was used to build the casino

is paid. But this year the casino started to have outdoor concerts during

the summer months, a time for all to enjoy the outdoors. However, the music

travels far and wide to the point that your evening only turns into noise.

No more robin bird sounds only bass and percussion noise. We asked the

casino for help, turn down the sound, but they say there good neighbors and

the sound is not so bad. !

In fact, the casino says to have a barbecue and enjoy the music. Hmmm, we

have 17 more concerts to listen too. OK, I guess money speaks yet, what does

that mean for the eagle that lives in the trees next to the casino? Or,

even the birds, bears and other animals in the forest? What about the

children that sleep near the casino? I thought turtle island was scared?

So many questions and conflicts. The casino says they will continue on and

review the matter after the concert season is over. Do I believe them or do

I continue to voice my complaint? They have powerful rights, sovereign

rights and much money. But do they have the right to make money at the

expense of others when this sound travels beyond their land? Not an easy

answer. I don't think they hear the Native American chant, "Listen to the

Sound Great Spirit Circling around me." I speak for the eagle. What is

your council?



Oki Brother

Well I think you have hit the Nail squarely on its head and I am

in total agreement with you.

The problem is that many Red people have learned from the white man that

total disregard for nature, the rights of others and even disregard and

disrespect of Creators laws takes precedence as their true God has changed

into money.


While I am a Traditional and the Red people who are propagating this

thoughtless disregard for anything other than money are Progressives - they

still have the right guaranteed under the constitution to continue their

reckless behavior. There is little you can do to stop it but it is

reflective the white society in how they treat each other. So you can indeed

learn from this experience and thus possibly change things by thinking about

who you vote for in the political elections to come.


In my opinion and from where I sit this is direct result of the liberal

policies of a misdirected government gone over the edge of respect for Gods

laws and have converted to Dollar worship as their guiding light.

Conservative ways of thinking which is what your referring to in your email

have been totally denigrated and disregarded in the quest for cash. What you

see is the direct result of that mind set. Again the blame for the

destruction of earth rights, human rights, and sacred rights can be placed

directly on the heads of the white man.....



Waatowa Pistoto,

Two Feathers - Kainaiwa - Blackfoot Nation

http://www.spiritalk.net/

http://natalk.blogspot.com/

http://www.native-americans-online.com/

Jumat, 16 Juli 2010

NIMBY Mosques and the Taxonomies of Religion in America

By Michael J. Altman

In case you missed it, there are plans to build a mosque in New York two blocks from the site of World Trade Center attack.  The proposed mosque has ignited a variety of discourses about religion in American culture.  Opponents of the mosque have various reasons for their opposition but a recent ad from the National Republican Trust PAC offers the most obvious examples of the "us" and "them" language opponents are employing.


The ad was rejected by by CBS and NBC.  As Entertainment Weekly reports:
CBS and NBC have rejected an ad by the National Republican Trust PAC that seeks to rally viewers against a proposed mosque that would be built two blocks from the site of the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attack in New York City. The one-minute spot (embedded below) begins with the words “the audacity of JIHAD” flashing on the screen followed shortly thereafter by the image of a plane flying into the World Trade Center; an accompanying voiceover declares that “to celebrate that murder of 3,000 Americans, they want to build a monstrous 13-story mosque at Ground Zero.”
The national spot “didn’t meet our broadcast standards,” said a spokesperson for CBS, confirming the network’s decision not to run it. An NBC spokesperson also confirmed the decision to reject the spot, but did not offer an explanation why. Nonetheless, EW obtained a letter from NBC Universal advertising standards manager Jennifer Riley to the NRT PAC explaining that: “An ad questioning the wisdom of building a mosque at ground zero would meet our issues of public controversy advertising criteria. However, this ad which ambiguously defines ‘they’ as referenced in the spot, makes it unclear as to whether the reference is to terrorists or to the Islamic religious organization that is sponsoring the building of the mosque. Consequently the ad is not acceptable under our guidelines for broadcast.”



As I read it, the basic message of the ad is "If the mosque gets built then the terrorists win."  Patrolling the borders of acceptable religion has been a mainstay of American culture: colonial Quakers, nineteenth century Catholics, twentieth century Communists, and now, twenty first century Muslims  What is remarkable about this ad is just how unremarkable it is in its rhetoric.  The same strategies always work.  Slap on a foreign label ("Jihad" or "Papist" or "Pinko"), add violence (terrorism, nuclear threat, licentious priests and nuns), predict the downfall of "American values" (read Anglo Protestantism) then stir until a nice foment of emotionalism forms.

Lurking behind the nativist rhetoric of the ad is the ghost of the First Amendment.  Don't Muslims have a right to build a mosque?  Isn't that part of religious freedom?  Well, for the explication of this point I turn to the illustrative Jon Stewart (skip to the 3:13 mark for the mosque story):
Why are these mosques being built in my community?  
Oh, OH OH! I know...because there are Muslims in your community.


The Daily Show With Jon StewartMon - Thurs 11p / 10c
Wish You Weren't Here
www.thedailyshow.com
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Beyond the tension between nativism and the First Amendment, at bottom, this story is about fear.  Since 9/11 the discourse about Islam in America has tended to revolve around fear.  Fear of foreign powers, fear of religious belief and practice many American didn't understand, and fear that America was changing.  Fear of pluralism.

Getting back to the Cordoba House mosque in Manhattan, I see two currents of the American religious past that are working against a more nuanced understanding of Islam and the planned mosque.  First, the American tradition of sectarianism and denominationalism has offered the major ordering principle for thinking about American religious diversity.  In the colonial period there were sects like the Quakers or Baptists and they were tied to a certain set of beliefs and practices that were either contested, tolerated, or repressed, depending on the place and time.  In the nineteenth century the emergence of denominations offered stronger structures to the sectarian organization of religion.  Baptist believed X, Presbyterians believed Y, etc. and they were are all acceptable under the First Amendment.  This even applied to non-Christian groups like Jews who fit into various "denominations" of there own: Reformed, Orthodox, Conservative.

In the twentieth century, the emergence of a discourse about "world religions" and the rise of the academic study of religions shifted the ground.  Denominationalism became an organizing principle for Christianity but suddenly (to take the tally of the World's Parliament of Religion) there were 10 world religions.  These new traditions didn't get the nuance of a "denominational" taxonomy.  Rather, they began to fall alongside the denominations.  So you had Baptists, Congregationalists, Methodists, Hindus, Buddhists, etc.  While there was some understanding of the nuances of the traditions, on the popular level, these were traditions that held together as "religions."

In the past ten years Americans seemed to have a gained a vague notion about the diversity of Islam--at least the words Sunni and Shia have entered the vocabulary.  But the early twentieth century model of world religions and the nineteenth century model of denominations still organize public discourse about religion.  This results in the ability for goups to connect everything Muslim to an essential "Islam" that sits alongside other religions and various Christian denominations.  Denominationalism prevents most people from connecting the crusades or young Earth creationism to all Christians--rather it gets connected to specific kinds of Christians.  Islam, imagined as an essential religious tradition, does not get such a privilege. 

Kamis, 15 Juli 2010

Summer Reading from our Facebook Fans

Kelly Baker

As most of you know, I am attempting to corral our readers via facebook with discussion and links to our blog. The discussion has been good, and our facebook fans have let us know what they are reading this summer. It seems that many of them are like me with a revolving list of books that I need to somehow get to while finishing various projects and/or hanging out with a toddler, who could care less about American religious history unless it involves Shrek or Elmo.

So here's what our fans are reading (in no particular order):

Moreton,
To Serve God and Capitalism
Phillips-Fein,
Invisible Hands
Sutton,
Aimee Semple McPherson
Roll,
Spirit of Rebellion
Stephens, Fire Spreads
Jacoby, Freethinkers

Stark, For the Glory of God

Finch,
Dissenting bodies : Corporealities in Early New England
Schmidt,
Restless Souls : The Making of American Spirituality
Griffith,
Born Again Bodies : Flesh and Spirit in American Christianity
Bushman,
Rough Stone Rolling
Hunt, ed.
Christian Millenarianism

Rowe,
God's Strange Work: William Miller and the End of the World
Meacham,
American Gospel
Hatch, The Democratization of American Christianity
Culler, Columbine
Prothero,
God is not One
Fea,
Way of Improvement Leads Home

Wigger,
American Saint
Maffly-Kipp,
Setting Down the Sacred Past
Harrell,
All Things Are Possible
White,Unsettled Minds
Houck and Dixon, Rhetoric, Religion, and the Civil Rights Movement, 1954-1965

Bernd Peyer,
The Tutor'd Mind: Indian Missionary Writers in Antebellum America

Greer,
Mohawk Saint: Catherine Tekakwitha and the Jesuits
Gomez,
Black Crescent: The Experience and Legacy of African Muslims in the Americas
Brooke,
Refiner's Fire
O'Toole,
Passing for White
Harvey, Redeeming the South
Blum, Reforging the White Republic

Fogleman, Jesus is Female
Williams, Religion and Violence in Early American Methodism
Guelzo, Abraham Lincoln: Redeemer President

Rubinstein,
"Members of the Tribe"
Berman, Speaking of Jews


Please feel free to add more books to the ever-expanding list in the comments as well as comment on the books listed. Happy reading!

Selasa, 13 Juli 2010

A Man Vs. Wild Kind of Christianity

By Michael J. Altman

Jesus didn't tap, but he did like to go hang out in the wilderness.  So does Bear Grylls.  Grylls is the star of Man Vs. Wild on the Discovery Channel.  If you haven't seen it, the basic idea is simple.  Take a witty, fit, and good-looking guy with an accent, give him a pair of cargo pants and a stick of gum, then drop him off in the middle of nowhere and watch him try not to die while cameras document it.  It's awesome.  Really.

Grylls recently did an interview with Relevant, an evangelical magazine for "savvy, spiritual, 20somethings."  In contrast to Art's post about macho Christianity, the Grylls story offers a different sort of male Christian role model.  Grylls describes his faith as simple and thinks of his relationship with God as a feeling of being "home" or being "held."  As the story puts it:

“What does it mean? It’s about being strengthened. It’s about having a backbone run through you from the Person who made you. It’s about being able to climb the biggest mountains in the world with the Person who made them. 
When it comes to faith, life and survival, Grylls isn’t one to complicate things. Overthinking, overanalyzing ... it’s the stuff that gets you killed.

Grylls' view of the Christian life, like Billy Sunday and other macho men of God, emphasizes simplicity.  It doesn't require much thought to hit the sawdust trail, nor does it overthinking help you catch a wild rabbit.  Real Christian men just react.  Real Christian men also have strength.  But Gryll's strength isn't the Billy Sunday or Jason David Frank brand.  Rather, it's more Henry David Thoreau or Thomas Merton.  It's about personal achievement and self-realization.  It's about climbing mountains, fording rivers, and fishing instead of overpowering the world for Christ.  It's about survival instead of conquest.

This simplicity of faith in Jesus stands in stark contrast to "religion."

“I remember having one moment when some really good friends turned their back on me in a really nasty way,” Grylls says. “And I remember praying a simple prayer up a tree one evening and saying, ‘God, if you’re like I knew you as a kid, would you be that friend again?’ And it was no more complicated than that. And actually the amazing thing is that all God asks is that we sort of open the door and He’ll do the rest. So often we kinda hide behind our yearning for love and acceptance with loads of complicated theological questions, and actually once that’s stripped away what we really are is just somebody who wants to have that relationship with your Father.”
Grylls says there was something comforting about realizing Jesus wasn’t all about religion—that Jesus was, in fact, “the least religious person you’ll meet.”
“Jesus never said, ‘I’ve come so you can feel smart and proper and smiley and religious,’” Grylls says.  “[Faith] is about finding life and joy and peace."
This split between Jesus and religion fascinates me.  In the early 19th century American Christians tended to think of "religion" in terms of "true Religion" (Christianity) and the rest--usually four groups (Muslims, Jews, and Pagans/Heathens).  By the early 20th century "religion" was a category within which Christianity fell alongside another ten to half-dozen religions (suddenly we have Daoism, Hinduism, Buddhism, Shinto etc.)  Now, in the early 21st century I hear more and more (usually evangelical) Christians claiming that Jesus wasn't religious at all--in fact true Christianity isn't about religion--it's about a relationship with Jesus.  I'm not spiritual, or religious, I'm with Jesus.
So, this kinder gentler masculine Christianity emphasizes simplicity, a personal realization, and a personal relationship with Jesus.  But at the end of the article, there's one more piece added to the puzzle.  Grylls is a family man.
His family consists of his wife, Shara, who he met while training to climb Mt. Everest, and his three sons, Jesse, Marmaduke and Huckleberry—the last of which was born this past year on their houseboat....Grylls also points to their shared faith as a critical element in their marriage. “We’ve been married almost 10 years, and that’s been a great glue to our family, actually. I look back now and I think it’d be really hard without that faith together—that sustained us.
We've suddenly taken a turn toward a Promise Keepers rally.  This is the final section of the story and, I think, it acts a landing spot for the 20something reader.  Here's where it's all headed--a monogamous marriage with another Christian and a house full of kids with names that are original yet still somewhat suburban in flavor.  A real Christian man is a father, and not in that Hank Hill kind of way, more like that guy you see in the park with the toddler in the hiking backpack eating a Clif Bar (full disclosure: I am that guy in the park).
I've been riffing on various sections of the story because  I do they point to some interesting confluences in today's young Christian circles.  A simple, individualized, family-friendly, good-looking, anti-"religion", Christian-Nature spirituality is quite appealing.  Jim Wallace and Russell Moore point this out in some ways. The Emergent church movement and figures like Rob Bell (who has a video where he's the guy with the hiking backpack) and Don Miller also appeal to this young conservative Christian demographic.  The whole Gryll's article is a stream with flows from Transcendentalism, Evangelicalism, Promise Keepers, muscular Christianity, and Graham's "Make a decision for Christ today" revivalism.  CNN's Belief Blog, however, saw a whole different set of religious ancestors for Grylls in their post about the story:
The Bible is full of prophets having visions while they’re wandering alone in the deserts. John the Baptist didn’t eat yak eyeballs but he did eat locusts. The Prophet Mohammed received his revelation in a mountain cave. The Buddha received enlightenment under a bodhi tree.
As I see it, Gryll's is just another example of confluence or "combinativeness," as Cathy Albanese would put it, in American religion and American Christianity.  This is a confluence that isn't necessarily fully thought out or self-selected.   I don't think Grylls went out and thought about becoming this sort of masculine Christian, nor do I think Relevant sought to portray him this way.  This isn't Sheila-ism.  It's something more organic and more accidental. It's like religious run-off making its way into a creek of spirituality and carrying all sorts of cultural flotsam with it.  What to call it, though? Perhaps Bear-ism?

Teaching Sexuality and Religion

Editor's note from Paul: After reading this, also check out the companion piece reflecting further on this post, over at Tenured Radical.

Janine Giordano Drake

It all started this past May with an email composed by an undergraduate student in “Introduction to Catholicism and Modern Catholic Thought,” a course offered in the Religious Studies department at the University of Illinois. The student forwarded to the department chair an email about utilitarianism and Natural Law that his instructor, Catholic theologian Kenneth Howell, sent to the class during the term.
Howell’s letter, reprinted here, explained why Catholic Natural Law doctrine maintained that sexuality must not be separated from procreation, and did bleed into some preachiness. Howell argued that because anatomical differences between men and women were part of the “real” world, sexual morality ought not be governed by utilitarian ethics but by the "inherent meaning" of the act. Explained Howell, “Natural Moral Theory says that if we are to have healthy sexual lives, we must return to a connection between procreation and sex. Why? Because that is what is REAL. It is based on human sexual anatomy and physiology. Human sexuality is inherently unitive and procreative. If we encourage sexual relations that violate this basic meaning, we will end up denying something essential about our humanity, about our feminine and masculine nature."
This student, whose letter is republished here, complained to the Department Chair of Religious Studies that the professor was encouraging and expecting students to apply (Catholic) Natural Moral Law as their understanding of natural law. "I didn't go to Notre Dame for a reason," he signed. The professor's email to his students, also apprehended by the local newspaper, did claim that "none of what I have said here depends upon religion," alongside an unqualified encouragement to apply (Catholic) Natural Moral Law within their own adult thinking. The complaint went public in a longer story published by the paper. "Teaching a student about the tenets of a religion is one thing,” penned the student. “Declaring that homosexual acts violate the natural laws of man is another. The courses at this institution should be geared to contribute to the public discourse and promote independent thought; not limit one's worldview and ostracize people of a certain sexual orientation."
Professor Howell's adjunct position was not renewed. The questions around here, however, abound. Did this Catholic theologian go beyond the boundaries set by most professors in bleeding his personal opinions and encouragements into his teaching? Did he foster a chilly climate or outrightly uncomfortable teaching environment for GLBT students and their allies? Do Religious Studies professors have to be more careful about not encouraging their point of view than, say, Marxist historians?

The most common question I have been asked, however, has been perhaps the most telling: "Do Catholics really think that? Is he really representing Catholicism?" Of course many people "born Catholic" are raising these questions, so that answer depends really depends how you define Catholics. For my research, I have been reading lots lately on religious attitudes toward birth control in the early twentieth century. Kathleen Tobin's American Religious Debate about Birth Control, 1906-1937, remains one of my favorite books I have read all year. Following Jews, Catholics and Protestants, she explores year by year the transitions that made possible Jews and Protestants' qualified acceptance of birth control technologies, and Catholics' ardent rejection of the separation between procreation and sexuality. By the late 1920s and early 1930s, both Jews and Protestants began to see marriage more about fostering a relationship than raising a family. She excellently chronicles Sanger's long debates with Catholic authorities, not only in ink but literally in her quest for public forums to discuss and distribute birth control information. Leslie Woodcock Tentler's Catholics and Contraception is another excellent source, for her exploration of church teaching alongside patterns among clergy captures the day-to-day Catholic experience as it related to sexuality and family planning.

Even though these and other excellent resources exist for historians and the general public, I can't say I haven't been surprised, and a little disappointed, by how little attention many historians invest invest in understanding this Catholic position, even if they will later refute it as oppressive. Elaine Tyler May's storied new book, America and the Pill: A History of Promise, Peril and Liberation makes no mention of this Catholic theology of the body at all. Perhaps even more disappointing, she makes no mention of the Catholic priest John Ryan, member of the National Catholic War Council and writer of the Bishops' Plan for Social Reconstruction, who fought against birth control because he thought it encouraged employers to continue to deprive workers of a living, family wage. One account of this is here.

Many other issues than "women's freedoms" animated debates over access to reproductive technologies throughout the twentieth century. Sure, poor women's freedoms were the most important concern that birth control advocates wanted to discuss, but middle class families overwhelmingly had access to, and made use of, the technologies faster than working class families. Many Catholic men and women, overwhelming working class, said no to the technologies out of religious conscience and political conviction, and we can only imagine that some of them truly believed that "sex control" (through various versions of the Rhythm Method and later Natural Family Planning) was much preferable to contraceptives. But these men and women are left out of May's account.

May simply notes the disappointment of many Catholics, especially Dr. John Rock a pill developer, when they found that Vatican II did not approve the pill. She writes, "A solid Republican for most of his life and no fan of sexual experimentation outside of marriage, Rock, along with many other Catholics, held that contraception was sometimes medically necessary and often personally desirable as a means to maintain happy marriages and well-planned families" (122). Does any Catholic's thoughts, no matter how informed of Catholic doctrine, qualify as a "Catholic opinion"? She goes on, "Rock believed that married couples should have as many children as they could support but that contraception was important for those who could not afford large families." Rock represented a real shift in Catholic attitudes toward reproductive technologies, and his is an important story to tell, even and especially because he was Catholic. However, May's elision of the religious debates surrounding the pill, especially those that questioned who benefited most from smaller working class families, oversimplifies this unqualified story of "liberation." By suppressing the intellectual history of Catholic conscience in this matter, Catholic doctrine appears to be little more than patriarchal dogma.

Teaching sexuality in a Religious Studies class dedicated to Catholicism is hard. Teaching it at a land grant institution in the 50 year anniversary of the pill may be harder. There are surely better and worse ways to do this, but I would say that it really needs to be done.

For a longer version of this piece, go here.

Senin, 12 Juli 2010

Nikki Haley and the Construction of South Asian Identity

We welcome the following guest post from Samira Mehta, a graduate student in American Religious Cultures at Emory University who is writing a dissertation on Christian/Jewish interfaith families in the U.S. from 1965 to the present.

The media has been abuzz with Nikki Haley--the winner of South Carolina’s Republican gubernatorial primary, focusing on her promise as a rising star of the Republican party, on allegations of adultery, and, most significantly, on her ethnic and religious identities. If Haley wins the seat, she will become the second Indian-American and the first descendant of Sikh immigrants in United States history to become a governor.

The image she cultivates, however, is unlikely to strike the average viewer as South Asian. The combination of her nickname, Nikki, and her married name, Haley, does not suggest an ethnicity outside of the mainstream. Additionally, as her campaign has become more successful, Haley’s Christianity and relationship with Christ have become more prominent on her website.

Critics from divergent groups have questioned Haley’s construction of her identity, the authenticity of her conversion to Christianity, and her motives in “whitening” her name. Some Indian-Americans accuse Haley of minimizing her heritage simply to succeed in Republican politics. Some conservative Christians, an important part of the GOP base (and therefore of Haley’s constituency), question the authenticity of her conversion. I won’t dwell here on these charges, but rather I’ll explore the cultural background that informs how we, in the United States, think about questions of assimilation, multiculturalism, religion, and ethnicity.

There are, broadly speaking, two models for immigrants who want to become part of American civic life: passive and active pluralism. Passive pluralism has existed since the beginnings of a “public Protestantism” into which those who were nonwhite and/or not Protestant could assimilate. For the 19th and much of the 20th centuries, Catholics and Jews who wanted to be part of mainstream society could do so by living Protestant lives—adopting Protestant names, marrying Protestants, and raising their children in Protestant culture. Sometimes, they discarded the religions in which they were raised and sometimes they consigned them to their private lives, in order to live secular, apparently mainstream public lives. Sometimes they did so with the tacit or explicit support of their natal religious and ethnic traditions, and at other times individuals broke with their traditions in order to become American. Similarly, religious and/or ethnic communities would often, consciously or unconsciously, move in directions that helped them assimilate into American culture.

According to religious studies scholar Richard Hecht, active pluralism came about as a result of the massive Asian immigration to the US after 1965, the very wave of immigration that included Nikki Haley’s parents, and from the social activism of the late 1960s and the 1970s. Active pluralism requires that minority groups make their religious needs and heritages a part of the public landscape—in other words, rather than adapting to an American Protestantism, people bring their identities into the public sphere. Then, those identities are incorporated, with all of the complicated compromises that implies, into the surrounding culture.

Haley functions more in the passive than in the active pluralism model, and many read that as a political choice. They have a point: Nimrata Randhawa Haley would be a bit long for a yard sign, but it is also more clearly ethnic than Nikki Haley. As the last presidential campaign demonstrated, many conservatives, particularly those of the tea party persuasion, do not like ethnic names. But before concluding that Haley constructed her identity for purely political reasons, it is worth considering the kinds of identities available to a child growing up in South Carolina in the 70s and 80s. Many children of immigrants born in that first decade of Asian immigration were the only South Asian students in their classrooms, and the lack of cheap phone calls, extensive cable channels, and the internet limited contact with India. Additionally, Haley comes from a Sikh family, a minority group even in India with a recent history that further complicates the relationship between Sikh Americans and India. Haley grew up in an environment in which the South Asian identity available to her was that of the “model minority,” an identity that is based, in part, on not making waves. When people comment on her “slight Southern accent” as evidence of contrived assimilation, it begs the question, What other kind of accent would one expect from a woman born in small-town South Carolina?

Turning to the question of Haley’s religious background and her conversion, much discussion has hinged on the religious choices she and her husband have made for their family: does the family attend events at both the UMC Church and the gurdwara, are the children are being raised Methodist or in both religions, and is her own conversion genuine or a matter of expediency? Perhaps it was genuine. Perhaps it was a matter of political convenience. Perhaps it was something more complicated. Khyati Joshi, a scholar who studies the intersections of race, religion, and ethnicity in the South Asian American experience, points out that for Indian-America children growing up in the United States in the 70s and 80s, Christianity set the tone for what religion was—many of them retained their childhood religions, but many ended up more comfortable in mainstream American culture and adopted values that were at least somewhat tied to Christianity. Joshi’s research suggests that Haley’s choices, especially when seen in concert with her marriage and the dominance of Christianity in South Carolina may exist on a continuum of second-generation South Asian responses to life. I am speculating here, but it does serve as a reminder that even the most genuine of conversions occurs within a social context. In Haley’s case, that context includes having grown up in a predominantly Christian society and having decided to marry a Christian man.

Any candidate who came to Christianity as an adult and courts the conservative Christian base would probably invite concerns about the validity of their conversion, but Haley’s racial identity as a South Asian brings that choice under much deeper scrutiny. After all, despite inconsistencies in George W. Bush’s conversion narrative, very few people have questioned the authenticity of his conversion. Joshi argues that having “skin the color of mocha” is considered to be immediately indicative of a non-Christian religious identity, often Hindu or, more challenging, Muslim. Specifically, she argues that because “America’s attention is repeatedly focused on [Muslim, Middle Eastern and South Asian] rivals, brown-skinned non-Christian Americans become more (or less) than just an ‘other’ within society; they become an other that is associated in the American mind with a foreign enemy.” The steps, in other words, from brown to Hindu or Muslim to terrorist are fairly short in the American mind, and, as many Sikhs learned immediately post-9/11, could consistently misidentify them as Islamist terrorists. Those of us who were paying attention to the most recent presidential campaign (that is to say, the entire country) know this. We all watched as members of the Republican Party implied, or stood by as others declared, that Barak Hussein Obama was Muslim and not American because of his name. And while I do not mean to downplay the significance of race in the election, I would argue that the Muslim claim, not his race, undermined then-Senator Obama’s Americanness. The very foreignness of his name implied, despite his years of church attendance, that he was Muslim and un-American, just as her brownness causes some to question Ms. Haley’s conversion and not that of George W. Bush.

When people get nervous about Haley for her seeming disavowal of her South Asianness, they are missing the mark. The most legitimate concern is not that Haley, though the child of immigrants, Americanized her name or became a Christian. Certainly, those choices have political implications, and all indications suggest she is too savvy to have missed them. Nevertheless, she is enacting one of the few scripted identities possible for the children of the first wave of South Asian immigrants—and it is a script that favors assimilation. Rather, the concern about Haley should be that she has chosen to make her political bed with figures like Sarah Palin, one of the instigators of the challenges to Obama’s Americanness, and that she courts as her base the very people who support movements like the “birthers.” All of the accusations made against Obama could be made against Haley, but it’s unlikely they will be, because her political conservatism allies her with the very group most likely to be her accusers, people whose track record with non-white, non-Christian immigrants and their children is frightening at best.